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- Timeline of Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections
- Why target Heartland?
- "The Hunger Games" and the Boom in Dystopian Young-Adult Fiction
For much of , Bernie Sanders told the public, on a near-daily basis, that congressional Republicans were trying to pass a bill that would kill more than 43, Americans each year. Then, a Bernie Sanders supporter tried to kill a few dozen congressional Republicans. But the president has no such evidence.
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And neither do Erick Erickson, Tucker Carlson, Matt Gaetz, or any other conservative who has spent the past two weeks promoting this narrative. This rhetoric would be vile, and worthy of bipartisan condemnation, even if Cesar Sayoc and Robert Bowers had never forced their names into our national consciousness.
Democracy is impossible without the peaceful transfer of power — and maintaining the latter requires mass acceptance of the legitimacy of elections, and the right for politicians to compete in them regardless of their partisanships. Republican rhetoric about the caravan explicitly challenges the legitimacy of both of those things, by baselessly insinuating that Democrats are subverting election laws, and by aligning themselves with enemies if the United States.
Robert Bowers may have despised Donald Trump for supporting Israel and for allowing his daughter to marry a Jew. Given all of this, it is perfectly appropriate for Democrats to respond to the atrocity in Pittsburgh by calling on the Republican Party to cease its promotion of a paranoid fiction that closely resembles neo-Nazi propaganda. They must, with Europe and others, watch over….
The U. It is time now for others in the region, some of great wealth, to protect their own territory. In her first 14 months as Transportation secretary, Elaine Chao met with officials from Kentucky, which her husband Mitch McConnell represents in the Senate, vastly more often than those from any other state. President Trump has told friends and allies he worries about the stain impeachment will leave on his legacy. Senator vows to retaliate against public servants who are legally protected from retaliation.
Barack Obama - Wikiquote
Graham said that if Democrats follow through on their desire to impeach Trump, he will make sure that the whistleblowers will have to come forward and testify. McInnis, a professor at the University of Texas at Austin, said. These deals were effectively giveaways of valuable state assets to a few powerful, well-connected, and wealthy financial groups. The concentration of immense financial and industrial power, which loans for shares had assisted, extended to the mass media.
One of the most prominent of the financial barons Boris Berezovsky , who controlled major stakes in several banks and companies, exerted an extensive influence over state television programming for a while. Berezovsky and other ultra-wealthy, well-connected tycoons who controlled these great empires of finance, industry, energy, telecommunications, and media became known as the " Russian oligarchs ". A tiny clique who used their connections built up during the last days of the Soviet years to appropriate Russia's vast resources during the rampant privatizations of the Yeltsin years, the oligarchs emerged as the most hated men in the nation.
The Western world generally advocated a quick dismantling of the Soviet planned economy to make way for "free-market reforms," but later expressed disappointment over the newfound power and corruption of the "oligarchs. Early in the campaign it had been thought that Yeltsin, who was in uncertain health after recuperating from a series of heart attacks and whose behavior was sometimes erratic, had little chance for reelection. When campaigning opened at the beginning of , Yeltsin's popularity was close to zero.
Panic struck the Yeltsin team when opinion polls suggested that the ailing president could not win; members of his entourage urged him to cancel presidential elections and effectively rule as dictator from then on. Instead, Yeltsin changed his campaign team, assigning a key role to his daughter, Tatyana Dyachenko , and appointing Anatoly Chubais campaign manager.
The president's inner circle assumed that it had only a short time in which to act on privatization; it, therefore, needed to take steps that would have a large and immediate impact, making the reversal of reform prohibitively costly for their opponents. Chubais' solution was to co-opt potentially powerful interests, including enterprise directors and regional officials, in order to ensure Yeltsin's reelection. The position of the enterprise directors to the program was essential to maintaining economic and social stability in the country.
The managers represented one of the most powerful collective interests in the country; it was the enterprise managers who could ensure that labor did not erupt in a massive wave of strikes. The government, therefore, did not strenuously resist the tendency for voucher privatization to turn into "insider privatization," as it was termed, in which senior enterprise officials acquired the largest proportion of shares in privatized firms. Thus, Chubais allowed well-connected employees to acquire majority stakes in the enterprises.
This proved to be the most widely used form of privatization in Russia. Three-quarters of privatized enterprises opted for this method, most often using vouchers. Real control thus wound up in the hands of the managers.
Timeline of Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections
Support from the oligarchs was also crucial to Yeltsin's reelection campaign. The "loans for shares" giveaway took place in the run-up to the presidential election—at a point when it had appeared that Zyuganov might defeat Yeltsin. Yeltsin and his entourage gave the oligarchs an opportunity to scoop up some of Russia's most desirable assets in return for their help in his reelection effort. The oligarchs, in turn, reciprocated the favor. The media painted a picture of a fateful choice for Russia, between Yeltsin and a "return to totalitarianism.
In the outlying regions of the country, the Yeltsin campaign relied on its ties to other allies—the patron-client ties of the local governors, most of whom had been appointed by the president. The Zyuganov campaign had a strong grass-roots organization, but it was simply no match for the financial resources and access to patronage that the Yeltsin campaign could marshal.
Yeltsin campaigned energetically, dispelling concerns about his health, exploiting all the advantages of incumbency to maintain a high media profile.
Why target Heartland?
To assuage voters' discontent, he made the claim that he would abandon some unpopular economic reforms and boost welfare spending, end the war in Chechnya , pay wage and pension arrears, and abolish military conscription he did not live up to his promises after the election, except for ending the Chechen war, which was halted for 3 years.
Grigory Yavlinsky was the liberal alternative to Yeltsin and Zyuganov. He appealed to a well-educated middle class that saw Yeltsin as an incompetent alcoholic and Zyuganov as a Soviet-era throwback. Seeing Yavlinsky as a threat, Yeltsin's inner circle of supporters worked to bifurcate political discourse, thus excluding a middle ground—and convince voters that only Yeltsin could defeat the Communist "menace.
Voter turnout in the first round of the polling on June 16 was With no candidate securing an absolute majority, Yeltsin and Zyuganov went into a second round of voting. In the meantime, Yeltsin co-opted a large segment of the electorate by appointing Lebed to the posts of national security adviser and secretary of the Security Council. In the end, Yeltsin's election tactics paid off. In the run-off on July 3, with a turnout of Yeltsin lost to Zyuganov in Russia's southern industrial heartland. The southern stretch of the country became known as the " red belt ", underscoring the resilience of the Communist Party in elections since the breakup of the Soviet Union.
Although Yeltsin promised that he would abandon his unpopular neoliberal austerity policies and increase public spending to help those suffering from the pain of capitalist reforms, within a month of his election, Yeltsin issued a decree canceling almost all of these promises. Right after the election, Yeltsin's physical health and mental stability were increasingly precarious.
Many of his executive functions thus devolved upon a group of advisers most of whom had close links with the oligarchs. The global recession of , which started with the Asian financial crisis in July , exacerbated Russia's continuing economic crisis. Given the ensuing decline in world commodity prices, countries heavily dependent on the export of raw materials such as oil were among those most severely hit. Oil is also a major source of government tax revenue which brought significant negative implications for Russia's fiscal situation, foreign exchange stores and ultimately, the value of the ruble.
The pressures on the ruble, reflecting the weakness of the economy, resulted in a disastrous fall in the value of the currency. Massive tax evasion continued and accelerated due to financial instability and decreasing government capacity. This further decreased government revenues and soon, the central government found itself unable to service the massive loans it had accumulated and ultimately was even unable to pay its employees.
The government stopped making timely payment of wages, pensions, and debts to suppliers; and when workers were paid, it was often with bartered goods rather than rubles. As time wore on, they added calls for the resignation of Yeltsin in addition to their demands for wages. A political crisis came to a head in March when Yeltsin suddenly dismissed Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin and his entire cabinet on March Russian observers expressed doubts about Kiriyenko's youth and inexperience.
The Duma rejected his nomination twice. Only after a month-long standoff, during which Yeltsin threatened to dissolve the legislature, did the Duma confirm Kiriyenko on a third vote on April Kiriyenko appointed a new cabinet strongly committed to stemming the fall in the value of Russia's currency. The oligarchs strongly supported Kiriyenko's efforts to maintain the exchange rate.
A high exchange rate meant that they needed fewer rubles to buy imported goods, especially luxury items. But concerns about the financial crisis in Asia and the slump in world oil prices were already prompting investors to withdraw from Russia. By mid, it was clear Russia would need help from IMF to maintain its exchange rate.
The Russian crisis caused alarm in the West. Pouring more money into the Russian economy would not be a long-term solution, but the U. President Bill Clinton 's treasury secretary, Robert Rubin , also feared that a Russian collapse could create a panic on world money markets and it indeed did help bring down one major US hedge fund Long-Term Capital Management. Despite the bailout, Russia's monthly interest payments still well exceeded its monthly tax revenues. Realizing that this situation was unsustainable, investors continued to flee Russia despite the IMF bailout.
Weeks later the financial crisis resumed and the value of the ruble resumed its fall, and the government fell into a self-perpetuating trap. To pay off the interest on the loans it had taken, it needed to raise still more cash, which it did through foreign borrowing. As lenders became increasingly certain that the government could not make good on its obligations, they demanded ever-higher interest rates, deepening the trap.
Ultimately the bubble burst. On August 17, Kiriyenko's government and the central bank were forced to suspend payment on Russia's foreign debt for 90 days, restructure the nation's entire debt, and devalue the ruble. The ruble went into free fall as Russians sought frantically to buy dollars. Western creditors lost heavily, and a large part of Russia's fledgling banking sector was destroyed, since many banks had substantial dollar borrowings.
Foreign investment rushed out of the country, and financial crisis triggered an unprecedented flight of capital from Russia. The financial collapse produced a political crisis, as Yeltsin, with his domestic support evaporating, had to contend with an emboldened opposition in the parliament.
"The Hunger Games" and the Boom in Dystopian Young-Adult Fiction
A week later, on August 23, Yeltsin fired Kiryenko and declared his intention of returning Chernomyrdin to office as the country slipped deeper into economic turmoil. Yeltsin, who began to lose his hold as his health deteriorated, wanted Chernomyrdin back, but the legislature refused to give its approval. After the Duma rejected Chernomyrdin's candidacy twice, Yeltsin, his power clearly on the wane, backed down. Instead, he nominated Foreign Minister Yevgeny Primakov , who on September 11 was overwhelmingly approved by the Duma.
Primakov's appointment restored political stability because he was seen as a compromise candidate able to heal the rifts between Russia's quarreling interest groups. There was popular enthusiasm for Primakov as well. Communists and trade unionists staged a nationwide strike on October 7, and called on President Yeltsin to resign. On October 9, Russia, which was also suffering from a bad harvest, appealed for international humanitarian aid, including food. Russia bounced back from the August financial crash with surprising speed.
Much of the reason for the recovery is that world oil prices rapidly rose during — just as falling energy prices on the world market had deepened Russia's financial troubles so that Russia ran a large trade surplus in and Another reason is that domestic industries such as food processing have benefited from the devaluation, which caused a steep increase in the prices of imported goods. Finally, the economy has been helped by an infusion of cash; as enterprises were able to pay off arrears in back wages and taxes, it, in turn, allowed consumer demand for the goods and services of Russian industry to rise.
For the first time in many years, unemployment in fell as enterprises added workers. Nevertheless, the political and social equilibrium of the country remains tenuous to this day [ when? The economy remains vulnerable to downturn if, for instance, world oil prices fall at a dramatic pace. Yevgeny Primakov did not remain in his post long. Yeltsin grew suspicious that Primakov was gaining in strength and popularity and dismissed him in May , after only eight months in office.
The Duma confirmed his appointment on the first ballot by a wide margin. Stepashin's tenure was even shorter than Primakov's. In August , Yeltsin once again abruptly dismissed the government and named Vladimir Putin as his candidate to head the new government. Like Stepashin, Putin had a background in the secret police, having made his career in the foreign intelligence service and later as head of the FSB.
Yeltsin went so far as to declare that he saw Putin as his successor as president.
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The Duma narrowly voted to confirm Putin. When appointed, Putin was a relatively unknown politician, but he quickly established himself both in public opinion and in Yeltsin's estimation as a trusted head of government, largely due to the Second Chechen War. Just days after Yeltsin named Putin as a candidate for prime minister, Chechen forces engaged the Russian army in Dagestan , a Russian autonomy near Chechnya. In the next month, several hundred people died in apartment building bombings in Moscow and other cities, bombings Russian authorities attributed to Chechen rebels.
The Russian public at the time, angry over the terrorist bombings, widely supported the war. The support translated into growing popularity for Putin, who had taken decisive action in Chechnya. After the success of political forces close to Putin in the December parliamentary elections , Yeltsin evidently felt confident enough in Putin that he resigned from the presidency on December 31, six months before his term was due to expire. This made Putin acting president and gave Putin ample opportunity to position himself as the frontrunner for the Russian presidential election held on March 26, , which he won.
The Chechen War figured prominently in the campaign. In February , Russian troops entered Grozny , the Chechen capital, and a week before the election, Putin flew to Chechnya on a fighter jet, claiming victory. In August , the Russian submarine K Kursk suffered an explosion, causing the submarine to sink in the shallow area of the Barents Sea.
Russia organized a vigorous but hectic attempt to save the crew, and the entire futile effort was surrounded by unexplained secrecy. This, as well as the slow initial reaction to the event and especially to the offers of foreign aid in saving the crew, brought much criticism on the government and personally on President Putin. On October 23, , Chechen separatists took over a Moscow theater. Over people inside were taken hostage in what has been called the Moscow theater hostage crisis.
The separatists demanded the immediate withdrawal of Russian forces from Chechnya and threatened to blow up the building if authorities attempted to enter. Three days later, Russian commandos stormed the building after the hostages had been subdued with a sleeping gas, shooting the unconscious militants, and killing over civilian hostages with the sleeping gas in the process.
In the aftermath of the theater siege, Putin began renewed efforts to eliminate the Chechen insurrection. The government canceled scheduled troop withdrawals, surrounded Chechen refugee camps with soldiers, and increased the frequency of assaults on separatist positions. Chechen militants responded in kind, stepping up guerrilla operations and rocket attacks on federal helicopters.
Several high-profile attacks have taken place. In May , Chechen separatists assassinated Akhmad Kadyrov , the pro-Russia Chechen leader who became the president of Chechnya 8 months earlier after an election conducted by Russian authorities. On August 24, , two Russian aircraft were bombed. This was followed by the Beslan school hostage crisis in which Chechen separatists took 1, hostages.
The initially high public support for the war in Chechnya has declined. Putin has confronted several very influential oligarchs Vladimir Gusinsky , Boris Berezovsky and Mikhail Khodorkovsky , in particular who attained large stakes of state assets, allegedly through illegal schemes, during the privatization process.
Gusinsky and Berezovsky have been forced to leave Russia and give up parts of their assets. Putin's stand against oligarchs is generally popular with the Russian people, even though the jailing of Khodorkovsky is mainly seen as part of a takeover operation by government officials, according to another Levada-Center poll. These confrontations have also led to Putin establishing control over Russian media outlets previously owned by the oligarchs.
Similar takeovers have also occurred with print media. Putin's popularity, which stems from his reputation as a strong leader, stands in contrast to the unpopularity of his predecessor, but it hinges on a continuation of economic recovery. Putin came into office at an ideal time: after the devaluation of the ruble in , which boosted demand for domestic goods, and while world oil prices were rising.
Indeed, during the seven years of his presidency, real GDP grew on average 6. Thus, many credit him with the recovery, but his ability to withstand a sudden economic downturn has been untested. Putin won the Russian presidential election in without any significant competition. Some researchers assert that most Russians today have come to regret the collapse of the Soviet Union in In a campaign speech in February , for example, Putin called the dismantlement of the Soviet Union a "national tragedy on an enormous scale," from which "only the elites and nationalists of the republics gained.
On the contrary, people have faced a huge number of problems. Putin's international prestige suffered a major blow in the West during the disputed Ukrainian presidential election. Putin had twice visited Ukraine before the election to show his support for the pro-Russian Viktor Yanukovych against opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko , a pro-Western liberal economist.
He congratulated Yanukovych, followed shortly afterwards by Belorussian president Alexander Lukashenko , on his victory before election results were even made official  and made statements opposing the rerun of the disputed second round of elections, won by Yanukovych, amid allegations of large-scale voting fraud. The second round was ultimately rerun; Yushchenko won the round and was eventually declared the winner on January 10, In the West, the reaction to Russia's handling of, or perhaps interference in, the Ukrainian election evoked echoes of the Cold War, but relations with the U.
Many in the Russian press and in the international media warned that the death of hostages in the special forces' rescue operation during the Moscow theater hostage crisis would severely damage President Putin's popularity. In , the Russian government replaced the broad in-kind Soviet-era benefits, such as free transportation and subsidies for heating and other utilities for socially vulnerable groups by cash payments.
The reform, known as monetization , has been unpopular and caused a wave of demonstrations in various Russian cities, with thousands of retirees protesting against the loss of their benefits. This was the first time such wave of protests took place during the Putin administration. The near year period prior to the rise of Putin after the dissolution of Soviet rule was a time of upheaval in Russia.
The continued criminal prosecution of Russia's then richest man, President of Yukos oil and gas company Mikhail Khodorkovsky , for fraud and tax evasion was seen by the international press as a retaliation for Khodorkovsky's donations to both liberal and communist opponents of the Kremlin.
On 7 October , Anna Politkovskaya , a journalist who exposed corruption in the Russian army and its conduct in Chechnya , was shot in the lobby of her apartment building, on Putin's birthday. The death of Politkovskaya triggered international criticism, with accusations that Putin has failed to protect the country's new independent media.
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In , " Dissenters' Marches " were organized by the opposition group The Other Russia ,  led by former chess champion Garry Kasparov and national-Bolshevist leader Eduard Limonov. We regularly solicite his ideas for new projects. Department of Energy to develop the global warming doubt curricula for schools see above. Since , the Heartland Institute has organized six conferences focused on public relations messaging rejecting the conclusions of climate scientists' research, or as described by Naomi Klein in The Nation , "the premier gathering for those dedicated to denying the overwhelming scientific consensus that human activity is warming the planet.
Claiming that climate change is a plot to steal American freedom is rather tame by Heartland standards. Among active scientists studying and publishing material on climate change, Heartland's conferences have been recognized for their unscientific objectives and unusually high financial compensation. Credible climate scientists generally decline repeated invitations to Heartland conferences for this reason. According to a profile in Nature , Joseph Bast has played the central role in organizing and running the first five of these conferences before "stress-related health problems" forced him to be less active in the sixth conference.
Demonstrating the success of Heartland's public relations and contrasting failure of their scientific claims, Bast concedes, "We've won the public opinion debate, and we've won the political debate as well. Heartland's leaked Proposed Budget indicates there is no financing for an "International Conference on Climate Change" in In two distinct interviews published in two consecutive days, Joseph Bast delivered seemingly conflicting positions statements on climate change:.
We think that that's pretty much actually the consensus of working scientists in this area. He is a bearded Midwesterner with strong suspicions that a small group of politically connected climate scientists are influencing their community's behavior.
rvjei.com/mobile-tracking-program-for-redmi.php The result, he thinks, is an outsized, but shrinking, agreement that man's activity is altering the climate. So I talk about the global warming These things crest, and then they start to retreat, until the next apocalyptic movement comes along and gives us something to get all worried about. Bast frequently responds to newspaper opinion articles that are critical of scientists and public relations consultants who have made careers paid by fossil fuel interests promoting unscientific information related to global warming.
Repeatedly projecting his own fringe position onto others in order to create confusion over credibility among readers, Bast refuses to acknowledge how an overwhelming majority of active climate researchers and relevant scientific institutions worldwide reject his political positions on global warming, paradoxically accusing those who recognize climate science of being ignorant or deceptive.